Colorism: Black America’s Plague
Note: There will be “inconsistencies” in my capitalization of “black” throughout this paper. In talking about black people through the sections History of Colorism and A Pervasive Plague, I use the lower-cased form of black to reflect the dejected social state in which we existed. Through the second half of the essay, I will utilize “Black” to signal the transition in the term’s popularized use in the late 1960s and onward.
INTRODUCTION
Colorism, as defined by Robert Reece, is “the process by which people of color — in this case, Black Americans — are awarded advantages based on their phenotypical proximity to whiteness” (Reece 5). This proximity is often determined by the presence of “lighter skin, thinner noses, thinner lips, straighter hair, lighter eyes, etc.” (Reece 5). Colorism has plagued America since it washed up on our shores accompanied by the institution of slavery. Since its arrival, it has pervaded the American social psyche and shifted the dynamics of ethnic communities, specifically the Black community. This essay will assess the history of colorism, particularly through the lens of the institution of slavery; how colorism has pervaded the Black community, specifically in art production and political movements; and, how the persistence of colorism presents itself as a potential danger to the Black community, both nationally and globally. I hold that colorism, though a byproduct of race as a social construct, has plagued the function of the Black community for centuries and, if not remedied soon, can produce irreparable effects on the social attitudes of Black people, as well as the political and social operations of our global community.
HISTORY OF COLORISM
As previously mentioned, the institution of colorism accompanied the institution of slavery in America. Adeola Egbeymi assesses that “by the late 17th century, ‘white skin came to be synonymous with freedom and black skin with slavery’ and, therefore, skin tone played a clear role within the emergence of a hot, new, and profitable business: the slave market” (Egbeyemi 2). Instilling this dynamic of black inferiority and white supremacy allowed for the flourishing of the institution of slavery as it instilled a “less than” spirit in the African and African American enslaved, allowing them to remain enslaved in their physical, mental, and spiritual being. With this three-fold subjugation fully underway, the slave became much more susceptible to any and all negative ideas projected upon them, predominantly ideals that bolster colorism. This becomes apparent as the institution moves from a sole black-white racial structure to a much more complex and nuanced one.
Egbeyemi examines that “the discrepancy of black skin colour in America first arose when sexual unions began between enslaved African women and their white male captors” (3). These unions undoubtedly began to produce children of lighter skin, creating a new element of the racial structure. Terms such as mulatto, quadroon, and octoroon were used by slave buyers, evidencing just how much importance they placed on both skin color and a slave’s proximity to whiteness as a measure of monetary worth (in both the spending of and profiting from their money) (3).
The importance placed upon proximity to whiteness was evident not only on the auction block but within the slave master’s homes as lighter skin women were chosen for work within the home while darker skin black women were resigned to working in the field. This separation was further enforced through the use of language as lighter skin women were referred to as “delicate” and “ill-suited for the daily rigors of dark-skinned women” by their masters (3). This use of language created a narrative of darker-skinned women as brutish and unsuited for anything other than labor. Though black herself, this was not the same narrative for the mixed or biracial woman. She was seen by both masters and traders as delicate, beautiful, and intelligent (3). This differing use of language began to sow seeds of rift in the way that Black women were treated by each other, the greater Black community, and white people as these colorist ideas were absorbed.
This history of colorism in the United States, though brief, gives a better understanding of how colorism came to be on our American shores and how it continues to persist in our society. As slave masters and traders placed high emphasis on lighter-skinned women (and black people), this became the societal norm and expectation for the black social order.
A PERSISTENT PLAGUE
Even as the institution of slavery came to a close in the late 1860s, the long battle with colorism was just beginning. As assessed by Reece, “by 1860, 41% of free southern Blacks were mulatto. In contrast, only about 10% of slaves were mulatto” (Reece 8). This declining lack of enslavement for light-skinned black people was foundational to their acquisition of wealth and increased social status.
As Black people began to explore the prospect of upward social mobility through the late 1880s, the impacts of colorism during slavery began to make themselves known. Oftentimes, “white slave owners gave the lighter-skinned Africans…an opportunity to learn to read” (Egbeyemi 3). This avenue of literacy created a small elite class of African American freedmen and women. This elite class then began to experience a greater range of social mobility, such as access to better employment and opportunities to pursue education.
This difference in literacy added another layer to the already complicated colorism dynamic. As lighter-skinned people experienced increased employment and educational opportunities, darker-skinned freedmen and women were placed in a difficult position. Already deemed the lowest race in white society, they now had to deal with feelings of inferiority in comparison to those who were members of their own race. They were unable to gain education or employment, thus they were barred from obtaining any form of wealth or status (such as landowning). This dichotomy began to enable and perpetuate stereotypes of black people (specifically darker-skinned black people) as lazy and uneducated.
Entering the 20th century, white America found itself in a tight political spot. In the 1850s, “mulatto” was an official racial category, alongside “black”, allowing this group to enjoy further mobility and social prominence (Reece 8). As the 1900s approached, however, white America began to feel threatened by the overwhelming population of mulattoes (and their mobility) and worked to undermine this. In 1910, following Plessy v. Ferguson, southern states began implementing the one-drop rule as law. This was done in a desperate attempt to “preserve the purity of whiteness” (Reece 10). Even as states began to pass this law through the 1930s and mulattoes were now considered to be black, mulattoes still enjoyed their previous level of mobility and privilege (10). Rather than moving through white society, they enjoyed increased status in the black community.
With the multiple attempts by the American political system to restructure the racial caste in favor of whiteness (one-drop rule, Jim Crow, etc.), light-skinned black Americans continued to experience mobility in these structures in a way that their darker-skinned counterparts did not (10). As time persisted, lighter-skinned Black people experienced prosperity in the social and political spheres. This mobility and prosperity are the product of racial preferential treatment through the slavery and Reconstruction periods. This treatment allowed lighter-skinned African Americans to move through society with a more solidified foundation of resources (education and work) than their darker-skinned brothers and sisters.
MOVEMENTS AS COLORS
The construct of colorism has pervaded not only the social space of America but the cultural and political space as well. As lighter-skinned Black people experienced upward mobility in American society, they became the focal point through different phases of Black artistic, political, and popular culture. Black and white society alike have hailed their features as the pinnacle of both whiteness and Blackness, respectively, and their status as the ultimate goal for Black society. The pedestal upon which lighter-skinned people have been placed has yet to come down. To assess the rising prominence of lighter-skinned Black people in both Black and American popular culture, I will begin in the 1920s with the Harlem Renaissance and continue through key decades and movements in Black history before arriving at the present day.
Movements as Colors: Harlem Renaissance
Through the Harlem Renaissance, painters such as Archibald Motley were famous for portraying lighter-skinned women almost exclusively in their art. The primary issue of Motley’s work is not simply that he preferred to portray lighter-skinned black women, but that his painting of darker-skinned women was slim to none. The majority of Motley’s work was comprised of light skin, bi-/multiracial, or white-passing Black women. In his work, he portrayed the aforementioned women as beautiful, feminine, sexually desirable, intelligent, and on par with the status quo. They were depicted as the epitome of womanhood, of Black womanhood. Many of Motley’s paintings, particularly those that depicted scenes of jazz clubs (i.e., “Blues”), did not showcase darker-skinned Black women. These paintings did not place darker-skinned women in the room at all, even as waitresses. This lack of depiction speaks volumes. Motley did not see darker-skinned Black women as desirable to other Black men (of any shade), nor did he see them as people who wanted to have fun with those in their community, surrounded by jazz music and a vibrant scene. And yet, he did not hesitate to depict Black women as dejected servants in works such as “Woman Peeling Apples”. Here, he portrayed an older darker-skinned woman in her work clothes and head wrap, holding a basket of apples, perhaps that she picked and was preparing to serve to others. This woman was not shown as sensual, elegant, soft, or feminine, but rather discontent and commonplace. Depictions such as this erase darker-skinned Black women from the narrative. It does not allow room for conversation about their contributions to Black history or their constant contributions to Black culture, doing a great disservice to both the Black artistic community and the Black community at large.
Just as Archibald Motley directed his labor toward portraying lighter-skinned Black women, painters such as Palmer C. Hayden took the opposite route, choosing to portray darker-skinned people in his art. These portrayals, however, often coincided with many stereotypical ideas of Black people at the time. Hayden’s painting, “The Watermelon Race”, is a prominent example of this. It can be argued that “The Watermelon Race” is a satire or a way of reclaiming the stereotype that Black people tend to over-indulge in eating watermelon or that we would rather eat it and be lackadaisical, rather than working. This painting of Black people (and more specifically Black men) could be a tactic to call out racial science that claims Black people came from monkeys, that we have lower IQs (in comparison to white people). In looking at this painting and seeing people are watching these Black men eat, it could even be calling out the social norms that reduce Black people to forms of entertainment or zoo animals that are meant to be watched in shock and awe. All of this could have very well been in mind as Hayden painted this yet, his overall motives are questionable. Arguably, he would have known that most white audiences would not have a Black political perspective when viewing this art. Rather than seeing a reclamation of the stereotype, they’d see confirmation of it. Rather than seeing this as a satire worthy of deep analysis, they’d see it as a parody, worthy of all the laughs it would get. They too would be like the people in the background of “The Watermelon Race”, gawking at Black people, not only in the painting but in everyday life.
In both of these cases, it is a wonder if Motley or Hayden truly painted this for Black audiences. Though they could see all of the aforementioned political aspects, that is not the initial thought of most people who view these paintings. Rather, Black people see the worst of themselves, everything they are desperately trying not to become, and further reinforcement of white America’s narrative.
These portrayals, along with many other works of the Harlem Renaissance, work in tandem to demean the personhood of darker-skinned Black people, elevate the reputation of light-skinned Black people, and further celebrate and encourage closer proximity to whiteness. These works came at a time when Black identity was already a fragile one, as Black people were still enduring the social-political strife brought by slavery, facing a lack of upward mobility due to racism, and fighting for their livelihood amidst a resurgence of the Klu Klux Klan and other terrorist groups.
Movements as Colors: The Civil Rights and Black Power Movements
Colorism was also a prominent factor in the Civil Rights and Black Power Movements. This, coupled with gender inequity, made for an interesting dynamic within the inner workings of these movements and their respective organizations. Both of these aspects significantly impacted the overall achievements of these movements.
The Civil Rights Movement was one of, if not the most, prominent Black political movements in the United States. This movement was full of peaceful protests against discrimination and prejudice including boycotting segregated buses, staging sit-ins in diners, and coordinating national marches to bring attention to the violence brought on by racism and police brutality (even in the wake of non-violence). Within this movement though, was the issue of both colorism and sexism.
In regards to colorism and sexism in tandem, I am reminded of the story of Claudette Colvin, a young girl who refused to give up her seat on the bus nine months before Rosa Parks did. Colvin did not become the face of the boycott movement though, as she was darker-skinned and pregnant out of wedlock at age 15. Enter Rosa Parks, nine months later, a fairer and older-skinned woman who led a respectable life up until the point of the boycott. The orchestration of this form of protest was a strategic move on behalf of boycott organizers, but perhaps at the expense of discouraging the younger generation (younger than college age) from fully taking part in the movement.
The Civil Rights Movement was also marked by sexism. The most acclaimed figures of the movement (Martin Luther King, Jr., Jesse Jackson, etc.) were Black men. Additionally, many smaller movements within the Civil Rights were male-centric, such as the Million Man March. By centering men, both as the movement occurred, and in historical retrospect, it takes away from pivotal female figures such as Coretta Scott-King, Fannie Lou Hamer, and Ella Baker.
The Black Power Movement, though its participants stood firmly in the “Black is Beautiful” and “I’m Black and I’m Proud” mantra movement, faced issues of both colorism and sexism within their movement’s leadership. These issues, in part, contributed to some of their pitfalls as an organization, particularly in community outreach and overall operations.
Prominent leaders such as Eldridge Cleaver and Angela Davis sat at the forefront of this movement. Though they were not the only leaders, they experienced more mobility than of Freddie Hampton, Huey P. Newton, and Bobby Seale, on account of their lightness. Though all were considered threats to American democracy (as labeled by COINTELPRO), the opposition Davis and Cleaver faced was arguably not as bad as that of their darker-skinned counterparts.
Though colorism existed in leadership, its impact was not as significant as sexism. At the Black Panther Party’s height in 1969, 60% of the membership was female (Farmer). Though the Party had a policy of gender equality, female leaders were not always treated as such, due to the men in membership. Additionally, the men of the Black Panther Party implemented ideologies from the Moynihan report such as the “tangle of pathology” [ideology] which argued that… Black men were unable to fulfill their roles as men in a patriarchal society, leading to a “matriarchal” structure of female-headed households” (Farmer). Due to a male-centered focus on topics such as these, conversations regarding women’s needs and struggles were often put to the wayside.
The presence of colorism and sexism in movements such as these is not surprising, considering the pervasiveness of these attitudes through the 19th and 20th centuries. It’s roots in these movements are deeply embedded in the notions of respectability, likeability, and pandering to the notion of proximity to whiteness. These roots have yet to be uplifted, as colorism in political moments and movements, Black and non, is still apparent. This is evident in the election of Barack Obama, the mistreatment of Michelle Obama, and the appointment of Thurgood Marshall. This further attests that the presence of colorism is not only restricted to the social and cultural, but the political, which requires further systemic dismantlement.
Movements as Colors: Black Hollywood
Black Hollywood has experienced a plethora of eras, from the rise of hip-hop culture in the late 80s and 90s to the ever-nostalgic Y2K era. Even as these eras are regarded as the pinnacle of Black culture, they did not exist without colorism. Black Hollywood has continued to shape both the positive and negative aspects of the national Black community and colorism in this sphere has thus impacted perceptions of Blackness within the community.
With the 90s, we saw the rise of Black media consumption through magazines such as Jet and Ebony, as well as sitcoms like the Fresh Prince of Bel-Air and Living Single. In magazines specifically, “lighter-skinned women…were [also] more likely to be featured in editorial photos and advertisements from the [19]60s through the 90s” (Egbeyemi) 5). In addition to lighter-skinned women being on the covers of magazines, we see them abundantly as the leading love interest in films like Love and Basketball as well as in shows such as Living Single. In the case of shows like Fresh Prince of Bel-Air, the darker-skinned woman who played Aunt Viv was replaced with a lighter-skinned actress in the latter half of the series.
During the Y2K era, we saw the rise of artists such as Beyonce, Soulja Boy, Usher, and Rihanna. The majority of the women that dominated this era (namely Beyonce and Rihanna) were lighter-skinned. Additionally, as music video culture saw increased popularity, there was an increase of lighter-skinned representation in this sphere. They played love interests, background dancers, or guest stars. This era’s aesthetics (both in clothing and casting) has persisted through the last two decades, creating even more frustrating conversations around colorism in the industry.
These decades were the pinnacle for Black culture and conversations as we know it. Because of their promotion of colorism in Black media and art production, Black Hollywood still reaps their seeds today. Now, Netflix has seemingly made it a point to only cast bi-/multiracial Black women in their original series and movies, while producers such as Kenya Barris only create shows that depict lighter-skinned or biracial families. Additionally, we see music artists like Chris Brown who have repeatedly stated that they will not cast darker-skinned women for their music videos, while darker-skinned singers like Ari Lennox and Teyana Taylor are attacked on social media and told they look like rottweilers.
Attacks such as these on the Black community continually perpetuate negative narratives surrounding darker-skinned Black women, glorify lighter-skinned Black women (at the expense of their darker counterparts), and decrease media representation for Black women (and men) of all shades.
INTO THE FUTURE
Outside of popular culture and politics, colorism presents a plethora of issues to our community. In our education system, tenured and tenure track professors are of lighter skin (Norwood 10). Systemically, darker-skinned Black people are arrested, incarcerated, and issued sentences at high rates than lighter-skinned Black people (Norwood 10). These issues and all those aforementioned in this essay are the results of colorism tormenting the American social-political racial caste system, of which darker-skinned Black people are the primary victims.
It is no secret that colorism is not upheld solely by white or non-Black people; it is an issue that is continually perpetuated in our own community. Darker-skinned Black women are less likely to date and marry than lighter-skinned Black women (both within and outside of the Black community) (Egbeyemi 5). Additionally, lighter-skinned women “marry spouses with [either] higher levels of education, higher levels of income, or higher levels of occupational prestige than their darker-skinned counterparts” (7). This is due to the fact that lighter-skinned women are more preferred in dating preferences and seen as more socio-economically advanced. This preference then breeds more cycles of socio-economically advanced lighter-skinned couples, as was the case through the Reconstruction period.
If we allow these issues to persist, we run the risk of disenfranchising and destroying our community. To dismantle this, we must first recognize that colorism is an issue in our community. We cannot fix something if we do not believe that it exists. Once acknowledging colorism’s existence, we must dive into history to fully understand the roots of colorism and its impact on the past and present of the Black community. Without assessing the past’s impact on the present, we cannot even begin to fix the future. As we assess how the past affects our present, we must take an active role in unlearning the colorist ideas we’ve internalized. We must take an active role in continuously affirming darker-skinned Black men and women by reminding them that their skin and features are beautiful and they are more than worthy to be a part of the Black community. Additionally, we must ensure that they have more opportunities in all sectors of the workforce (not just blue-collar), education, entertainment, etc. This is done by implementing better hiring practices, seeking out diverse candidates, creating a workplace environment where all Black people feel welcome, and undergoing training to ensure that we have unlearned all of our implicit and explicit racial biases.
Even more importantly, we cannot improve the attitudes of our generation and shift the attitudes of generations to come if we do not actively have conversations in our community. These conversations must entail teaching colorism as a branch of white supremacy and encouraging the generations after us to not uphold said colorist ideas. Without these critical conversations, we run the risk of allowing colorism to run rampant in our national and global Black community. This prevents the Black community from growing past the reach of white supremacy’s roots to a fully liberated community, free to exist amongst one another without self-inflicted strife and prejudice.
Works Cited
Egbeyemi, Adeola. “Shedding Light on Colorism: How the Colonial Fabrication of Colorism
Impacts the Lives of African American Women”, Journal of Integrative Research and Reflection, 2019. Web.
https://openjournals.uwaterloo.ca/index.php/jirr/article/view/1574/1981
Farmer, Ashley and Yellesetty, Leela. “Women in the Black Panther Party”, International
Socialist Review. Web.
https://isreview.org/issue/111/women-black-panther-party
Reece, Robert L. “Color Crit: Critical Race Theory and the History and Future of Colorism in the United States”, Journal of Black Studies, 2019. Web.
https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/pdf/10.1177/0021934718803735
Norwood, Kimberley Jade. “‘If You Id White, You’s Alright…’ Stories About Colorism In America”, Washington University Global Studies Law Review, 2015. Web.
https://openscholarship.wustl.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1547&context=law_globalstudies
